WOMEN’S SHARE OF POWER Ma³gorzata Fuszara

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

In the nineteenth century, in Poland under the rule of Partitioning Powers, many argued for giving women full voting rights. In reality, however, not only had Polish women no right to vote, but they also were banned from any form of social or political life that required any degree of organization. The Habsburg Empire offers a good example: under the Law on Associations of 1867, all aliens, women, and minors were expressly forbidden to join any political association. In such circumstances, women were not able to express their political views and interests.

Nonetheless, some women engaged in interesting attempts to vote by utilizing the existing law. For example, women in the town of Bia³a realized that they had met the criteria for voting eligibility specified in the Law on Municipal Self-Government, which included full legal age, one year’s residence in the territory, and payment of direct taxes. Because the laws neglected to specify gender, the women of Bia³a demanded to be included in the voting lists. Local authorities refused their demands. The women appealed to the State Tribunal, whose ruling can be seen as an attempt to reconcile water with fire. Although it held that the word "everyone", used in the relevant statutory provision, should apply to women, the judges expressly stated that women should vote only by proxy, thus, effectively giving two votes to their husbands, whose voting decisions were beyond any control. Convents of nuns were also obliged to use the services of male representatives. (Najdus 1994).

WOMEN IN PARLIAMENT

When Poland regained sovereignty in 1918, the government granted women and men equal voting rights: the right to choose and to be chosen. This acquisition of rights, however, did not occur automatically. On the contrary, voting rights for women were not initially included in the reborn state’s political agenda. In 1917, women activists held a conference and produced a petition that was later filed by the women’s delegation headed by Zofia Budzyñska - Tylicka Ph.D., who was later elected to parliament (S. Walczewska 1995).

Before the Second World War, however, the representation of women in the legislative or governmental bodies was minimal. Women accounted for a mere 2% of the Seym, the lower chamber of parliament, and 5% of the Senate members. The first woman entered the interim Presidium of the Polish parliament in 1922; yet her position lasted only for a short time; she did not join the standing presidium elected for the first term.

After the Second World War, the number of women in the Seym increased, although they never accounted for more than 25% of all deputies. The following list provides the percentage of women representatives in the Seym since World War II:

Term 1: 1952 -1956, women accounted for 17% of deputies;

Term 2: 1956 -1961, women accounted for 4% of deputies;

Term 3: 1961 -1961, women accounted for 13% of deputies;

Term 4: 1965 -1969, women accounted for 12% of deputies;

Term 5: 1969 -1972, women accounted for 13% of deputies;

Term 6: 1972 -1976, women accounted for 16% of deputies;

Term 7: 1976 -1980, women accounted for 20% of deputies;

Term 8: 1980 -1985, women accounted for 23% of deputies;

Term 9: 1985 -1989, women accounted for 20% of deputies;

Term 10: 1989 -1991, women accounted for 13% of deputies;

Thus, some kind of a hidden agenda can also exist in free elections. Such agenda may jeopardize or improve a candidate’s chance in the election. This chance depends on the underlying principles of the election that result partly from the electoral law and partly from the policies of a political party. Thus, the parties and coalitions decide which and how many men and women are to be included on the list, their position on the list, and whose names should be featured in an election campaign, which basically asks, whose campaign should be given a major financial support.

WOMEN IN THE PARLIAMENTS OF POST-COMMUNISTIC COUNTRIES

Women’s representation in parliament sharply decreased after 1989. This low representation, seen after both the 1993 and 1997 elections, may have been easily predicted once the parties completed the lists and the positions of women candidates were known.

All European post-communist countries experience similar trends. In these countries, the percentage of women representatives in parliaments sharply fell: In Bulgaria from 21% to 9%; in Czechoslovakia (as it existed in 1990) from 30% to 6%; in East Germany from 32% to present Germany ‘s 21%; in Hungary from 21% to 7%; and in Soviet Union from 35% to 14% (in 1990). These figures reflect the above-mentioned tendency of the number of women deputies decreasing as parliament gains real power. This phenomenon does not result from any central directive nor is it a consequence of statutory inequalities; it results from the principles contained in electoral laws combined with the policies of particular parties. Thus, the countries of Eastern Europe have abandoned earlier aspirations, currently visible in developed democracies, for stronger representation of women. In fact, the tendency observed over the last ten years in Poland and other post-communist countries is the opposite of the prevailing trends in many West European Countries, where women’s representation in parliaments has clearly grown. In some countries, the percentage of women exceeded 30% in the 90s: in Sweden to 40%; Norway to 36%; Finland and Denmark to 34%; and the Netherlands to 33%. This number is still growing (Women in Politics in the Council of Europe Member States, Strasbourg 1997).

LISTS OF CANDIDATES

As previously stated, the electoral chances of candidates practically depend on political parties and other participating groups because party leaders decide whose names are to be included and their position on the candidate list. It is worth noting that the formation of political parties was at first considered to be a danger to democracy because they tend to represent group interests, often incompatible with the common good (Joyce Outshoorn 1996).

At present, political parties are deemed necessary for the functioning of a contemporary, representative democracy. Nonetheless, their role is still a topic of debate, particularly with respect to the criteria, according to which the party’s candidates are chosen. Although the voters decide who will represent them from the candidates listed, they have no say in who is placed on this list. This factor is particularly important when considering an adequate representation of gender in parliament. Proposals to increase the representation of women are countered, particularly in the present post-communist Europe, by arguments that "hidden agendas" or quotas have no role in free elections. Such arguments are disingenuous; the absence of policies to increase the representation of women does not mean that no "hidden agenda" exists at all.

numerous behind the scenes mechanisms are available to decide party candidates. The secret nature of such mechanisms limits our knowledge of a party’s selection criteria, unlike the systems of West Europe, which promote women in all fields of social and political lives where women are underrepresented. European promotional systems are open to the general public and are subject to control, including the control of courts and international tribunals established to monitor gender equality. On the other hand, "hidden agendas" are beyond external control; thus, it is far more difficult to evaluate their role in representative democracy. An example of such non-gender quotas is the electoral committees’ practice of distributing places on joint lists in previously agreed proportions. In addition, the criteria used to determine the names and order of candidates on national party ballot are not available to the public. This is an important reserve list, used by influential party candidates who are afraid of losing in their constituencies. From that list, deputies not elected by their constituencies can serve because they have been nominated by a party, which has received enough votes.

Since such problems are quite common in many democracies, a common recognition exists of the need to carry out studies of the implicit and explicit criteria used in each stage of the election. Consideration of the candidates’ competency is necessary, particularly to identify the barriers professional women face. Organizations may vary, but they all share a common attitude toward men and women’s access to power. Most believe political parties have higher priorities than the gender of their members and candidates, such as their ideology or financial position. Nonetheless, women face the same structural problem in most organizations: men are given precedence over women (Margareta Wadstein, 1996, p 62).

WOMEN ON THE LISTS OF CANDIDATES

Information on the selection process of Polish political parties is unavailable. The only available information is the number of women on the lists of candidates. In the last elections to the Seym (1997), women constituted 16% of all candidates (1058 women out of 6615 candidates). The percentage of women was even lower among the candidates for the Senate: 56 (11%) out of 521 were women.

Two party lists had a much greater than average representation of women: the National Party of Pensioners (33%) and Labor Union (25%); the Social and Cultural Association of Germans (20%), Polish Right Alliance (19%), Freedom Union (18,5%) and the National Alliance of Pensioners of the Republic of Poland (17,5%) also had a higher percentage.

Five parties kept their representation of women close to national average (with a difference lower than 1%). On the Bloc for Poland’s list, women accounted for a little more than 15% (15,36%); on the Polish National Union’s list, women accounted for 15,46%; and on the list for SLD women constituted 15,12%. On the national minorities lists and the on the list for "Self-defense," women accounted for slightly over 16% (16,67% and 16,25% respectively).

Four parties offered lists where the percentage of women was lower than national average: on the Union of Real Politics’ list, women accounted for a little over 9% (9,31%); on the list for the Electoral Action "Solidarity," women accounted for less than 11% (10,87%); on the list for the Movement for the Reconstruction of Poland, women accounted for 12,69%; and on PSL’s list, women accounted for 13,82%.

The percentage of women on a particular list is not the only indicator of a political party’s support for its women candidates. The position on the list is undoubtedly of equal importance. However, there is no available Polish study that determines the formulation of the list or the criteria used to arrange the order of candidates. Although the electorate may vote on candidates from the lists, they have no influence on the order of candidates entering parliament from national party ballots. Candidates who occupy top places on national lists have much greater chances to become parliamentary deputies, while candidates from the lower positions have practically no chance at all.

In the last elections many parties did not include women among their top ten candidates on national lists. The national list of the AWS (Electoral Action "Solidarity") was the most discriminatory: no women were placed among the top thirty candidates; one was included in the fourth group of ten; two women were placed in the fifth group of ten; and one woman was included in each, the sixth and seventh groups of ten. Altogether the AWS registered just five women out of seventy candidates on its national list.

The PSL (Polish Peasant’s Party) placed only four women on the national party list and none were among the top twenty candidates. The party placed two women in the third group of ten candidates and one in each the fourth and fifth groups of ten.

The national list of the Labor Union had the largest number of women: two among the top ten, one in the third group of ten, two in the fourth group of ten, four in the fifth group of ten; three in the sixth group of ten; and seven in the seventh group of ten. Altogether, the list included 19 women.

The Union of Liberty placed a relatively large number of women (15) on its national party ballot: one woman among the top ten candidates, three in the second group of ten, four in the third group of ten, two in the fourth group of ten, four in the fifth group of ten, and one in the sixth group of ten.

The Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) took a different approach. They did not include a significant number of women (11), but did place those selected high on the list. Four women were included among the top ten candidates and three of these were featured at the very top. This inclusion is most likely a particular case of political "keeping up appearances" game to prove that the Alliance is (allegedly) committed to promoting women’s presence in politics. Five out of ten parties and committees did not include a woman candidate among its top ten. Three did not place a woman among its top twenty and, as noted above, the winning AWS did not include a women in the top thirty candidates on its list. Altogether, ten women and ninety men were placed among the top ten candidates of the combined party lists, four of which came from the SLD. The largest proportion of women was included in the fifth group of ten candidates: 21 women and 79 men. This disproportionate distribution of positions on national party lists between men and women is evident. On the combined lists, 93 women and 607 men were included; hence, women accounted for only 13% of all candidates while men constituted 87%.

WOMEN’S ISSUES IN PART PROGRAMS

Another important aspect of elections is the presence of specific women’s issues in party programs. I first conducted such analyses before the 1993 parliamentary elections. When considering the presence of women’s issues in political programs, leaflets, or other written promotional materials, the parties participating in the 1993 elections can be divided into three groups:

1. First, a majority of parties neglected to mention women’s issues at all. These included center and right-of-center parties, trade unions, and the party created by the former president. Gender issues and women’s problems were entirely ignored in the promotional materials of the Democratic Union, Liberal-Democratic Congress, Solidarity Trade Union, Polish Peasants’ Party, the so called Non-Party Bloc of Cooperation with Government, as well as many other parties and coalitions.
2. Next, some parties mentioned women’s issues, but only in the context of the family and traditional roles attributed to women. A good example is the coalition between the Center Alliance and Polish Union; it advocated extended maternity leave for all women and equal unemployment benefits, measures which, it was thought, should enhance the status of domestic chores and women who work at home. The coalition also suggested that part time jobs be more easily available to women. The most original was the idea to reward women by adding two years to their length of service for each child. This program is a blatant example of a political attitude that views women only from the perspective of the family, in the context of child care; women are thus, never perceived as independent persons with their own interests and aspirations. Moreover, the above-mentioned proposals, if adopted, would place an even greater burden on women who are solely responsible for childcare and domestic chores.
3. Finally, a few parties have recognized specific women’s problems, particularly the SLD and the Labor Union. The SLD referred to the need to combat discrimination and the importance of aid for women, such as state-organized childcare and other forms of aid for women, including single mothers. The SLD also called for change in abortion law and for the restoration of the office of the governmental plenipotentiary for women and family affairs. In addition, the Labor Union demanded improvement of the degrading situation of women and that steps be taken to protect them from pauperization or from being socially or economically marginalized. The party noted that women have suffered most from unemployment and that the situation of single mothers is appalling. The Labor Union also demanded changes in the abortion law, emphasizing that the number of abortions could be lowered by improving social conditions, increasing the availability of contraceptives, and introducing sexual education to schools.

Among the most important elements in its "Programmatic Declaration," a paragraph in the section titled "Our Program" sought the "protection of women’s rights and dignity, including the right to family planning." In the introductory part of this document, the following phrases were used: "The measures we propose are both expected and important for Polish women," and "nothing concerning women should be decided without them." The program announced that any attempts to restrict women’s rights or to impair their dignity would be opposed. It also condemned efforts to deprive women of their right to freely decide their own fate, which includes the number and spacing of their children. Finally, the program mentioned the public arena: "An increasing number of women must be present in the public arena and women’s aspirations cannot be marginalized." Analysis and comparisons between the programs prepared for the 1993 and 1997 elections indicate that the same tendencies prevail. Only two parties dealt with women’s issues in both years.

IMAGE OF CANDIDATES

TV programs are one of the most popular ways of presenting party programs and candidates before the elections. I conducted an analysis of those TV programs, broadcasted free of charge on the first channel of the state television, in both election years. The data collected was not quantitative research; thus, the number of candidates and time devoted to each gender was not considered. The analysis was exclusively qualitative, noting the character of the election campaigns.

The above division of electoral programs into three groups (those that ignored women’s issues, those that perceived women only in the context of family, and those that recognized women’s problems as a separate and significant issue) is relevant with respect to TV programs. However, the third categorization, the one that adequately discussed gender issues, was close to non-existent. Generally, the presentation of women’s problem on TV was less adequate than in printed programs. An overwhelming majority of parties ignored women entirely, even if they noted gender issues in their printed programs. The only statement recognizing specific women’s problems was a statement on abortion made by a woman from the SLD. Thus, the 1993 TV electoral program almost entirely ignored treating women as a separate social group.

Some programs dealt with women’s problems in the traditional context: women as mothers and home makers. For example, the Self-defense prepared a broadcast where a man spoke about a burden ("the Cross") carried by women who must raise children and be responsible for daily family living. Domestic chores were compared to the Cross, to burden women alone. The Self-defense, however, did not explain why the burden should fall on one gender. One woman candidate of "Self-defense" spoke about women’s struggle for survival, nurseries and pre-schools being closed down, and mothers quitting jobs to take care of their children.

Similar ideas were put forward by a KPN (Confederation of Independent Poland) candidate. A man presented his party’s opinion on women’s problems. He stated that women were forced to work because men were not able to provide for their families and that family allowances were far too low. Thus, an "ideal", which may be inferred from such comments, is that men have well paid jobs while women are unpaid housewives, who have no personal needs and aspirations.

The women candidates of various parties spoke about problems related to health care, social insurance, old age pensions, unemployment, poverty, children and social welfare. Thus, women concentrated on the economic problems of every day life, and on children and senior members of the family. Only one woman, in the program of KKK Fatherland, referred to values and ideological issues. In this case, a woman was introduced as a guardian of Christian values, of the Church, and of distinctive Polish identity and autonomy in Europe.

Only two women party leaders were presented differently: Hanna Suchocka, the then prime minister and Wies³awa Zió³kowska, one of the leaders of the Labor Union. They were often shown at party rallies, enthusiastically greeted by crowds of political supporters.

The manner women were presented in party ads related to the policy pursued by that party. The most striking difference occurred between the programs of the Liberal-Democratic Congress, where women were shown in modern offices, and that of the "Fatherland," where a woman was shown as a worried mother, waiting alone for her children while the sun set.

Women candidates were presented in similar ways. For example, a woman from the BBWR, apart from exposing her ties with country life, informed viewers that she was a regular churchgoer, and that supported the elderly. None of the men candidates of any party was presented in a similar way.

ACCESS TO TV TIME

The analysis of the 1997 TV electoral campaign was even more thorough. Not only was a qualitative analysis prepared, the study also considered the percentage of TV time allotted to each gender.

First, the study evaluated how often members of each gender were presented. Evidently, as many as three out of ten parties allotted only ten or less percent of available airtime to women. The Polish Peasants’ Party produced TV programs with the lowest number of women (three women and 58 men: women accounted for 5% of all participants). The Union of Liberty showed nine women and eighty men (10%), and the Union of Real Politics showed 10%. Only one party (the Labor Union) allotted women over 40% of its time, one (the KREiR RP) a little over 30% (34%), and one (the SLD) almost 30%.

Next, the study counted the number of men and women candidates actually presented during the programs. The PSL presented no women at all; the UPR presented just one women candidate; and the Union of Liberty presented five women candidates (10%). The SLD (37%), KPEiR (33%) and the Labor Union (31%) introduced the highest percentage of female candidates.

One method used by all parties in their TV ads used a reader whose voice was heard while showing a promotional film. Every political party used a male voice to present their political agenda. Not even one female voice was used.

Finally, the study considered how much airtime the parties allotted to each men and women’s discussion of the issues. This criterion resulted in the largest disparity between genders. (In the analysis, we assumed all statements by women and men constituted 100%. Songs, movies, etc. were omitted). As many as half of the parties (five out of ten) allotted women less than 10% of available time, while three parties (the PSL, UPR and KPEiR) allotted to women less than 5%. Two parties, the Bloc for Poland and the Freedom Union allotted almost 10% of available airtime. It is difficult to estimate the manner KPEiR RP allotted its time, as this party offered some of its time to the candidates of another committee (the AWS); although most of the remaining time was allotted to women’s statements. A relatively large amount of time (over 25%), was allotted to women’s statements in the SLD’s programs.

GENDER SPECIFIC PROBLEMS

Gender specific problems can also be identified by an analysis of the contents of the candidate’s statements. Due to a lack of studies on this subject, it is unclear whether candidates choose the issues they discussed on TV programs. However, a few informal interviews conducted with women candidates suggested that the heads of electoral campaigns had, in most cases, decided the issues. In 1997, apart from a few individual cases, no issues were taken up by just one gender. The difference lies in the frequency men and women dealt with certain issues. Generally, the time allotted to women was so short that it was impossible to make a sensible comparison between men and women’s discussions of particular problems. However, it is quite clear that some problems were more often addressed by one gender over another. Men from all parties usually spoke about domestic security and the economy, subjects rarely discussed by women. At the same time, women dealt more with education and the health care system. Women also approached these issues differently than men. While speaking about education, women were more interested in content. In addition, they were often more concerned about the situation of employees.

Part of the difference may result from the fact that some parties did not present any women candidates at all. For example, the problems of life in rural areas seem to be ignored by women because the Polish Peasants’ Party did not present any women in their campaign.

Very interesting findings are revealed by the analysis of the manner women’s problems were addressed, directly or indirectly. The findings are similar to the results of the analysis of the printed media and quantitative analysis of TV programs: only the representatives of the SLD and the UP referred directly do women’s problems. For each party, both male and female members discussed women’s issues. Only one party proposed shorter working hours for women, a move meant to help women meet family obligations. This proposal was put forward by a woman.

Thus, in comparison to 1993, the 1997 electoral campaign offered more awareness of gender discrimination. The two political parties, which in 1993 addressed women’s issues only in the printed edition of their political agenda, discussed the matter in both forms of media in 1997. The 1997 campaign also witnessed the disappearance of the paternalistic language used in 1993. Previously, men often publicly expressed deep concern about the difficult lives of women, informing the public about women’s desire to stay at home and other similar opinions.

WOMEN AND EXECUTIVE POWER

Thus, women are underrepresented in the legislative body and studies show that the barriers to representation appear long before the day of elections. Women are also underrepresented in the executive power. Presently, only one woman works in the government (as the minister of justice) and men hold the top positions of many ministries. Obviously, no ministries are lead by all women. As of 8 May 1998, women have not held a top position in the following governmental offices:

• Governmental Center for Strategic Studies;
• Office of Civil Service;
• Committee for European Integration (a women was appointed to one of the top positions only after a public conflict between two men heading the Committee);
• Ministry of Communication;
• Ministry of the Interior and Administration;
• Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Because women hold very few top government positions, their influence on policy is highly limited. Moreover, a low number of women in parliament results in their limited influence on legislation.

WHY WOMEN IN POWER

The crucial question to be answered here is: why it is important that more women be placed in institutions of political power. There are three main answers most commonly given by feminist authors, the first of which is based on the principle of equity. This requires men and women to have equal access to high offices, including parliament, so that the percentage of men and women in power should at least approximately reflect the proportion of the two genders in society.

Second, women must be proportionally represented in Parliament if gender interests are to be adequately addressed. Studies conducted in Poland indicate this argument is of considerable importance to many women. As many as 47% of women believe that women’s problems can only seriously be tackled if women are well represented in the institutions of power. Men rarely support such view; only 29% of men agreed with this opinion (M. Fuszara, 1994).

Third, men and women have different experiences. Because of this difference, women’s representation is necessary in the decision making process, including the legislative process. Authors writing on women’s participation in the decision-making bodies often emphasize that such difference in experiences and resulting necessity to strengthen women’s representation is the least controversial arguments supporting the increased representation of women (Margareta Wadstein, 1996). It is often noted that any challenge to this argument must mean that an opponent considers women’s experiences as unimportant, or at least less important than men’s.

CONCLUSIONS

Those who doubt that gender has a role in the creation of legal or social order often question gender-specific analyses concerning politics, democracy, or legal order. Feminist authors, however, emphasize that such questions should be raised first, when considering existing laws and rules. It is thought that legal regulations and social rules presented as "gender neutral" are, in fact, gender-biased and reflect men’s values and interests. At present, discrimination against women is not limited to excluding women from desirable jobs. Today’s discrimination is rooted in social structure that favors men. Men have defined merits and it is men to whom the standards, expectations, and career requirements have been adjusted. Legal regulations have been adapted to men’s experiences, as has the extent the state’s interferes with private lives. Thus, the mere elimination of discrimination is not yet a guarantee of gender equality. In order to achieve equality, women must have access to power. "Equality requires much more than just equal opportunities in taking on the social roles which have been defined be men; the roles must be defined by women as well . . . [s]uch empowerment could change the shape of our society" (Will Kymlicka 1992). Post communist countries, including Poland, have particularly stressed women’s contribution to the creation of new standards, particularly legal standards, and women’s role in adjusting law to their needs (N. Lacey). These countries are currently undergoing a dramatic social and legal transformation, which will newly define the institutions of power, as well as redefine a number of issues determining the contents of, as it is sometimes called, a new gender contract.

NATIONAL PLAN OF ACTION FOR WOMEN - WOMEN IN POWER AND DECISION MAKING

Objectives:

Attain gender balance through the creation of employment policy regarding decision-making positions in public administration, government, judiciary and other relevant official bodies. Elect women to all representative bodies, political parties and trade unions. Employ women at decision-making levels in business institutions and increase participation of women in leadership and decision making process.

Actions to be taken:

• Prepare detailed report on employment practices at decision making levels, including the distribution of work between women and men;
• develop criteria and principles of employment policy at decision making levels in institutions funded from the national budget to ensure respect for women’s equal rights and opportunities
• respect equal representation of women and men in the lists of national candidates nominated for election or appointment to United Nations bodies and other organizations;
• appoint, in the offices of government administration, persons responsible for monitoring compliance with gender equality principle, including access to decision making positions;
• develop mechanisms and educational counseling programs to encourage women to participate in the electoral process, political activities and other leadership areas and to participate in power structures:
• prepare women to hold positions at decision making levels through training in: leadership, goal achievement, organizational and management skills as well as in personal growth;
• provide expertise and logistic support for non-governmental organizations developing and implementing training programs for women in social, economic and political life;
• Support non-governmental organizations and research institutes that conduct studies on women’s participation in and impact on decision- making and the decision-making environment;